Philosophical exposition of political addiction in Africa

By Rekpene Bassey
The late Umaru Yar’Adua, former President of Nigeria, is a notable example of integrity and foresight in African leadership. His time in office was defined by a deliberate pivot away from entrenched partisanship toward a vision of inclusivity and national unity.
Upon assuming office, Yar’Adua’s public acknowledgment of the flawed electoral process that facilitated his rise to power set a powerful precedent in a continent where political figures rarely question the legitimacy of their authority.
This act of humility was a harbinger of his broader commitment to institutional reform, particularly in the electoral process.
However, the brevity of his tenure due to illness left these grand ambitions unrealized, a tragic reminder of how fleeting moments of potential transformation in African leadership can be.
In contrast, Africa’s political landscape remains largely dominated by the destructive force of what may be termed political addiction. Exemplified by leaders who cling to power beyond their mandates, this phenomenon undermines the continent’s democratic prospects.
Political addiction in Africa is not confined to despotic leaders. Still, it permeates entire political systems, from elite politicians to local governance.
Despite occasional leaders like Yar’Adua, South Africa’s Nelson Mandela, and Liberia’s George Tawlong Oppong Weah, Africa’s democratic space is riddled with the pervasive issue of political addiction.
This insidious phenomenon, characterized by an unquenchable thirst for power and control, severely hampers the establishment of robust democratic institutions
The recent gubernatorial election in Edo State, Nigeria, is emblematic of the structural weaknesses that enable political addiction to thrive. It highlights the pervasive culture of manipulation, electoral malpractice, and undue influence from both within and outside government institutions.
One essential manifestation of political addiction is the corrosion of electoral integrity. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other supposedly neutral state apparatuses often become instruments of partisan control rather than impartial arbiters of democracy.
The Edo State election revealed a microcosm of a much larger systemic failure across many African states.
Nigeria’s president’s open declaration on the eve of the election, to wit: “— we are going to fight further. Don’t worry. You will not work alone. I am president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. I will give Edo State back to you,” brazenly promising victory for his party regardless exemplifies the entrenchment of political addiction.
Such acts of open bias and manipulation feed into the broader distrust of democratic processes, rendering the concept of free and fair elections a mirage in much of the continent.
The root of this political addiction lies in a confluence of historical, economic, and social factors that have persisted since the post-colonial period. Africa’s post-colonial states emerged with weakened institutions designed primarily for the benefit of colonial rulers.
Without robust checks and balances, the political elite quickly inherited these hollow institutions, turning them into personal enrichment and power consolidation vehicles.
Ethnic and tribal loyalties further deepened the problem as leaders exploited these divisions to secure their grip on power, often at the cost of national unity and long-term democratic development.
Economically, political power has often become the only reliable route to wealth and influence. With many African nations still grappling with poverty, corruption, and economic instability, political office offers access to state resources and opportunities for patronage.
This economic incentive fuels political addiction, as those in power seek to remain entrenched in their positions for as long as possible, regardless of the cost to democratic institutions or the populace’s well-being.
Meanwhile, external actors, particularly former colonial powers and global superpowers, frequently support authoritarian regimes for strategic reasons, further entrenching undemocratic governance.
The consequences of political addiction are catastrophic for democracy and governance in Africa. Authoritarianism frequently emerges as leaders dismantle or subvert democratic institutions to maintain power.
Electoral manipulation becomes the norm, with incumbents deploying state resources to suppress opposition, rig elections, and manipulate results. Human rights abuses are rife as authoritarian regimes crackdown on dissent, often violently.
Economic stagnation accompanies these abuses as cronyism, mismanagement, and corruption become institutionalized. In many cases, this perpetuates a vicious cycle of political unrest, social discontent, and further authoritarianism, creating a climate where military coups and insurrections appear to be the only viable means of political change.
From a philosophical standpoint, political addiction in Africa can be analysed through the lens of several influential thinkers. Plato’s theory of tyranny holds that unchecked power naturally leads to moral decay, as leaders prioritize their self-interest over the collective good.
This aligns with Africa’s political reality, where long-serving leaders become increasingly detached from the needs of their citizens and focus solely on consolidating power.
In Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes described a political system in which absolute power stifles any form of opposition, creating an environment of fear and subjugation.
Aristotle’s virtue ethics underscore the need for virtues such as justice, prudence, and temperance in leadership—notably absent in many of Africa’s political elites.
Frantz Fanon’s postcolonial perspective further illuminates the problem. Fanon argued that colonialism implanted structures of domination and subjugation in the minds of the colonized, which, when adopted by postcolonial leaders, perpetuated the cycle of oppression.
This internalized form of colonial rule has led to many African leaders adopting authoritarian practices reminiscent of the very colonial regimes they once fought to overthrow.
Leaders like Robert Mugabe, Mobutu Sese Seko, Yoweri Museveni, and Paul Biya serve as case studies of how political addiction manifests in different forms—economic mismanagement, suppression of opposition, or prolonged tenure through manipulated elections.
A multi-pronged approach is necessary to counteract this pervasive problem. Strengthening democratic institutions is paramount, particularly through reforms that ensure the independence and impartiality of electoral commissions and judiciaries.
Civic education should be prioritized, empowering citizens to understand their democratic rights and the importance of participation in political processes. Economic reforms, including diversification and stable economic conditions, can diminish the allure of political power as a route to personal wealth. Enforcing term limits and fostering a culture of peaceful political transitions would help dismantle the entrenched systems of power that feed political addiction.
Regional organizations such as the African Union must be more active in enforcing democratic governance. By holding leaders accountable and supporting civil society, these organizations can help establish more vigorous checks on power.
International actors should prioritize the long-term development of democratic institutions over short-term strategic interests, avoiding the support of authoritarian regimes.
Moreover, the judiciary across African nations must resist corruption and uphold the rule of law impartially to restore public confidence in democratic processes.
In conclusion, the battle against political addiction in Africa is crucial for the continent’s future. The path to overcoming it lies in recognizing the deep philosophical, historical, and institutional roots of the problem.
Africa can gradually overcome this addiction through concerted efforts to build more vital institutions, promote civic engagement, and encourage virtuous leadership. Only then can the continent fulfil its people’s democratic aspirations and pave the way toward more equitable and just societies.
*Rekpene Bassey is the President of the African Council on Narcotics (ACON) and an expert in Security and Drug Prevention.


