Adaora Onyechere

To exist in the social world with a comfortable sense of being a socially proper, and stable person, all forms of life as it stands in the core of nature as represented in both sexes with particular reference to both male and female gender must find balance as entities and equity in social contributions.

The Quest for inclusion and the rights of women as a human has brought with it a new wave of re-thinking of rights especially in Africa, it also has underscored the deep-seated issues of contestation and negotiations that unavoidably accompany the expansion of democracy and extension of rights to the excluded and the marginalized especially that of the role of women as the magic wand towards actualizing the full development of any country.

Women’s rights are human rights” is a phrase that was first used in the 1980s and early 1990s. Its most prominent usage is as the name of a speech given by Hillary Rodham Clinton, the former First Lady of the United States, on September 5, 1995, at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing and this more than ever affirmed the level of injustice and marginalization against the rights of women all over the world.

The human rights of women are integral and an indivisible part of universal human rights. The full and equal participation of women in political, civil, economic, social, and cultural life, at the national, regional, and international levels, and the eradication of all forms of discrimination on grounds of sex are priority objectives of countries all over the world why not Africa?

Why does inclusion matter in Africa? It matters because some African countries have seen subtle gains in poverty reduction and human capital development over recent years. not everyone has benefited from progress especially in Nigeria as we see the edging out of policies that demand women’s participation in both the economy and in governance. With global poverty projected to become increasingly African, rising from 55% in 2015 to 90% in 2030, we need to better understand who is left behind and why.

The commitment of African nations to understand keenly the role of inequality and lack of inclusion plays in poverty should be one of the underlining factors for both civil society and political institutions. it is not a quest for an increase in numbers of the X chromosomes in defiance to the Y chromosomes, neither is it a look at the make-believe intrusion of the testosterone but an uncovering of the link to a truly diversified economy based on the strength of both capacities not only as of the enablers but also as indicators, which we have over the years brazenly argued stereotypically against.

Women’s inclusion both politically and sociology-economically is a social, economic, and political good in itself. It matters for democracy and gender equality. The democratic process requires the participation of all citizens. Any deviations to this render any attempts in promoting democracy are just other forms of fostering the social and political norms that created an unfair and unequal power-sharing between men and women. This results in inequitable social policies and unfair political processes. Women’s political inclusion challenges both the power structures and relations that undermine the consideration of women’s needs and interest in policy-making.

The inclusion of women in decision-making is a democratic good in itself, Women political participation promotes gender equality by challenging the social and political existing structures that perpetuate a culture of women’s subordination in both the private and public sphere. Including women in the political process engenders political and economic benefits. Politically, it increases the number of women in the parliament, curbs corruption, improves policies outcomes, and promotes the inclusiveness of minority groups in public spheres. Economically, it considers women as actors of development, encourages the integration of women in the labor market, and promotes economic and development growth.

The Political institution is the strongest root in consolidating the trajectory of the inclusion conversation as it concerns women including those living with disabilities yet they are sublimely indulgent as the weakest link when push comes to shove in fathering the needed consideration of birthing policies and laws that will enhance women’s rights, yet in other African countries, the loudest message is that inclusion can be achieved in.

Take the example of legislative change in some African countries that have implemented the most reforms promoting gender equality of any region globally, with 71 reforms in the last 10 years, like Ghana, Mozambique, Seychelles, Namibia, Botswana, SouthAfrica, Burkina Faso, and a few others.

Most reforms have been about introducing laws addressing workplace sexual harassment and domestic violence as in the case of Burkina Faso, the government criminalized female genital cutting, trained lawyers, judges, and police, and has supported “community patrols” to raise awareness of the harmful consequences of female genital cutting. These changes came about through the coordinated efforts of governments, non-governmental organizations, communities, and external partners.

On the other hand in Nigeria, the relation between society and the political authority during the processes of the policy enactments highlighted characteristics of a post-colonial African state, the antagonisms that surround the enactments of these laws, and the pseudo superficial support and failure at the legislature especially Nigeria’s 9th Senate’s conformist ignorant arrogance on this matter looking at the failure of the Gender and equal opportunities bill are not only bizarre but crude especially as it is seen by most as an institution that keeps puncturing the already festering wound of exclusion of half the population of those who dispassionately voted them into offices.

Women represent only 24.9 per cent of Members of Parliament worldwide, which not only makes change more difficult but implies that laws, budgets, and policies are not as effective and can produce discriminatory outcomes. Gender inequality in politics correlates with broader gender inequalities in society.

Therefore, improving women’s representation and leadership in parliaments is closely intertwined with supporting parliaments’ role -through their legislative, budgetary, oversight, and representation functions -to make societies more inclusive and equal.

Women usually make up a majority of citizens in a country, but in only a handful of countries do women’s numbers in the parliament reflect such equality. Without equality in representation, the voices and perspectives of women cannot be fully reflected in the work of the parliament – laws are passed that are biased against women and the focus of any government scrutiny is less likely to focus on issues important to women.

With regards to civil society, the social framework and standards of transparency, accountability, and non-discrimination are determined by the participation of not just the women as the primary beneficiaries but also the society at large as the outcome of these positively is multiplied in its effect across all strata of the society. In the case of the women’s rights movement, quite several scholars (e.g. Friedman 1995; 2003; Clark et al. 1998; Joachim 2003; 2007) have drawn on social movement theory to explain the successes and challenges women’s rights activists and organizations face. Three concepts appear particularly useful in this respect as concerns Nigeria: framing, political opportunity structure, and mobilizing resources.

These are some of the key reasons why not enough intervention and funding have been expended on awareness or sensitization projects and programs on this issue, as I am yet to see media institutions aggressively advocating for the issues that bother on inclusion especially as we head into the electioneering calendar.

As for the development partners, it goes beyond the round table discussions, policy forums, brunches, and zoom meetings into real-time interventions that strategically engage a frontline emergency measure right from the grassroots that will disrupt the “coziness” approach of the inclusion demand, which also includes development-partners like UNWOMEN retooling and re-strategizing their interventions and taking into cognizance the changing dynamics of the political space as it concerns women, its practicality and also the need for the participation of new voices and long-term interventions with sustainable approaches.

Two years of advocacy against witch persecution in Africa

The women in governance need to demystify the urge of dissenting voices by the uniformity of the call for an inclusive government, from the women in parliament to those in traditional institutions, the executive, the first ladies, young women seeking good governance, and those in politics we need to find a baseline for our demand and actively unite for a common cause that will give leverage and attention to other demands, all for one, one for all.

The hope for me and I believe for many others is that one day we will stop with nice statements, declarations, and statements of principles and give official yet practical aid to all the semantics. Let us discomfit ourselves today for our next generation of girls or else posterity will judge each and every one of us. “Whenever our women play a key role in any society, those societies are wealthier and healthier “.