Nigeria risks one-man rule, not one-party state— Adebayo

In this interview, Social Democratic Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, Prince Adewole Adebayo, speaks on Nigeria’s deepening insecurity and leadership failure. After visiting violence-ravaged Plateau communities, he recounts trauma, grief, and citizens’ growing sense of abandonment. He warns that creeping power concentration exposes underreported killings nationwide and confirms his 2027 presidential bid, casting himself as a reform-driven contender. David Lawani reports.
You have been travelling around the country. You visited Jos. What were you hoping to find out when you visited Plateau State?
I visited Plateau to learn about the plight, particularly that of the people of Angua and Rubuka, who were subjected to the worst humanitarian crisis imaginable. For invaders to visit a community like that and, in a flash, render many families bereaved, kill many people, disturb the peace of the community, injure many people, and traumatise the entire community — it was devastating. So we needed to go there and restore people’s hope, so they wouldn’t lose it, as they were already feeling stateless — unprotected by any government. People were beginning to question the humanity of fellow human beings. They were wondering whether they were left alone, and I thought it was good to be with them, to restore their faith and confidence in Nigeria, to know that Nigeria is an ongoing project with good prospects, as it is the greatest country anyone can be born into. Despite all the problems we are facing, the failure of our government does not mean the bankruptcy of the country as a whole, and I think we did a bit of that. I also wanted to know from the first responders and security personnel whether they could handle these issues and whether they were aware of them. I wanted to know why they couldn’t respond to the killings and the disaster, what they were doing to engage with the community and the youths, what they thought could have been done differently, and their views on law enforcement. I met with community leaders and heard their views and perceptions of government at both the state and federal levels. I then met with the families of the victims. Since leaving the town, other people have been calling and mentioning their own issues. I essentially learnt that, apart from the publicly known, notorious, and sensational killings, several low-key killings are going on in every part of the country that people have taken for granted. They feel: “What’s the point of talking? Let’s find local solutions, as nobody will listen to us.” So they have been calling us and giving different instances that can make one ashamed.
Is this act of yours for optics, especially for the office you want to contest in 2027, or just as an ordinary Nigerian?
Politics is not on my mind at this stage; it’s just about the survival of the country. I was thoroughly embarrassed that the president failed in his leadership by going to the airport and complaining that there was no electricity, looking at his watch as if it was an ordeal, instead of taking the 18-minute drive to the epicentre and using that opportunity to talk to the families one-on-one and survey the area where the people are living. We needed to show the people that we are not all like that. Not only did I go there, but I also spoke with many of the faith leaders and realised that people are beginning to lose that sense of solidarity. The opportunity afforded me a way to see how to be a better commander-in-chief — to know how to gather intelligence, how to work with communities, and to realise that Nigerians can actually live up to their responsibilities if they have just a little support. Speaking with the law enforcement agents there, I gained more knowledge and confidence in them, even as I sympathised with them for being under poor leadership. You could see the governor, who appears not to be part of the community in a way. If he were a good commander-in-chief whose priority is the safety and protection of communities, our law enforcement agents have the capacity to do so. Unfortunately, they are not being supported. When I went there, even after the event, I first understood why the police station in Agbarukuba couldn’t respond — nobody could in the kind of situation they found themselves in. Since then, not much has been done to increase capacity. I see that the intelligence is there; however, I don’t know why it failed. We need to take advantage of these experiences to craft our community protection system, and I have learned a lot from that.
Are you running for president in 2027?
Yes, of course. But you can be a politician and still be a decent human being who genuinely wants to mourn with those who are mourning. You can be a politician and be a decent Christian and family member. I went there as a brother to the community. That, of course, is not the loudest podium for politicians at that time, but I needed to be with them. That job has been done, and I will continue to be with them even behind the cameras. The point is, it is a political season, and I am running for president under the SDP. I ran last time with the slogan “Farewell to poverty and insecurity.” It is all linked together. Poverty has increased, and insecurity has worsened. One must speak about it from time to time, develop better solutions than those currently available, and get the community to buy into them. The opposition parties appear to be in shambles, especially with the crisis rocking the ADC, where different factions have emerged. I am a politician, but primarily I am a lawyer. As a lawyer, I have professional ethics. When a matter is before the court, whether it affects my party, my interest, or other people, I usually pay attention to what goes on in court, because when you get newspaper reports or third-party renditions, they often do not align with what actually happens in court. In the case of the ADC, leadership changed, and there is a dispute over who the leader is or whether the leadership transition was properly completed. The matter is in court. INEC is a party to the suit and has an interpretation of the court order that requires it to maintain the status quo. It is legitimate for leaders of the ADC to disagree with INEC’s interpretation. It is their right to protest, but in reality, it is much easier if all parties return to court to clarify the actual meaning of ante bellum. In politics, you don’t teach the other person how to play politics. If the matter is in court, INEC is a party to the proceedings, and the ADC — including Nafiu Bala — is also a party to the same proceedings before a judge. The interpretation of the order can be resolved in court. However, it does not mean that leaders of the ADC do not have the right to express their frustration. If they believe INEC is the issue, they can protest there; however, until the court defines the matter, none of the parties can claim finality. Given what is happening, people think Nigeria may not have a formidable opposition. All of these concerns are valid. You can address the government’s overbearing nature and its use of incumbency to gain an electoral advantage over other contestants. You can see how they misuse their majority to pass unpopular, unfair, and restrictive electoral acts. You can also be concerned about political parties taking care of their internal systems. People join political parties knowing they are in opposition, so they should try as much as possible to minimise errors, reduce internal wrangling, and remain united. Every party has one or two elements that act like saboteurs, but with wisdom and proper management, these issues can be controlled. If you don’t have internal crises, it is easier to stand and challenge effectively. There is also a misconception that people often express — the fear that Nigeria is moving towards a one-party state under the APC. Based on the evidence, Nigeria is not moving toward a one-party state. What Nigeria is at risk of is one-man rule. If anyone in the APC thinks that Bola Ahmed Tinubu is trying to build a dominant one-party state, that is not the agenda. The real danger is a concentration of power in one individual. The first victim of such a system would be the APC itself, because as they get used to not having internal democracy and to being dictated to by their leader — the president — they will lose institutional strength. They will not be like parties such as the ANC, where internal processes are strong, and members are stronger than those in government. So, the APC itself becomes the first casualty. It is not going to be a one-party state, but rather a one-man rule, and the APC will struggle to function properly under such a system. Looking at the 2023 elections, none of the presidential candidates secured a dominant share of the vote. Of about 89 million registered voters, the largest bloc did not vote. This shows that our politics has become that of a self-interested elite, leaving the electorate behind. No country can continue holding presidential elections with such low turnout and remain satisfied. It shows that the issues dominating media narratives and political agendas are not addressing the real concerns of the people. That is why people are effectively boycotting the process. Nigerians should not abandon democracy to politicians or the ruling party. Democracy remains the best means to ensure that issues such as security, social welfare, infrastructure, employment, the rule of law, and accountability are addressed. Citizens must remain active — watching those in power, holding them accountable, rewarding good performance, and voting out failure. If the electorate withdraws and focuses solely on personal survival, the system will deteriorate further. We need a reset. More people must join politics with better character, and those who cannot change will eventually be pushed out.
Talking about one-man rule, cross-carpeting in this republic is quite rampant. This is a big challenge. Why is the judiciary always the solution to party internal wrangling?
It is about leadership recruitment. The difference between now and the past is that we used to have politicians in politics. As Aminu Kano noted during the transition to the Second Republic, we began to see businessmen entering politics. During military rule, contractors, apologists, and agents of the military realised that politics had become the most profitable business, so they entered it. That is how money politics took over. Today, many politicians behave like merchants. There is no ideology or guiding principle. Like traders, they go where the price is lowest to buy and where it is highest to sell. There is no principle involved anymore. The mistake people make is assuming that anyone who dresses like a politician is actually one. That is not the case. We need to reinvent the political class. Today, many in the political class are not leaders. They don’t represent anyone, aren’t leading anyone, and don’t have direction. They struggle for positions. If the system does not change, whenever power shifts, the same people will migrate to the new ruling party. Those who followed previous leaders now follow Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Tomorrow, they will follow someone else. Even if — hypothetically — a deeply unfit person comes to power but controls resources, contracts, and patronage, people will still align with that person. That is the reality. What we need to do is return to the people and build a new political class. The current one is unlikely to change.
In light of the recent killings in some states, do you think the state police initiative can address insecurity?
Anything that is sincerely implemented will work. Even the current system can work if there is sincere leadership — a good commander-in-chief and security officers who are not motivated by money or politics. State police can also work, but only if the same principles are applied. If state police operate under the same style of leadership we currently see in some states, it will fail. The problem is not the structure — it is leadership. There is a leadership deficit at the federal, state, and local government levels, and even at the community level, leaders lack support. If you change the system, you’ll need to change the leadership as well. Otherwise, nothing will improve.



